Smooth Operator: Anwar Ibrahim on Religion and Pluralism in a Divided World

On Thursday, 18 March, the London School of Economics (LSE) hosted former Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition Anwar Ibrahim for a brief lecture and Q&A session.

That this was a last-minute event became clear from a somewhat rambling introductory talk in which quotes from T.S. Eliot's Four Quartets on humankind's limited capacity for coping with reality featured alongside excerpts from Rumi's Masnavi ('The lamps are different, but the light is the same') and references to religious scholars such as Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 1350CE). All for the purposal of showing Ibrahim's support for an inclusivist Islam as found in Indonesia. Presenting Indonesia as an example worthy of emulation is in itself an interesting position for a Malay-Muslim politician who rode to power on a much less tolerant Islamist ticket in the 1970s and 1980s.

This point was also raised during the discussion, when one interlocutor asked if his own first-hand experience with imprisonment under the draconian ISA (Internal Security Act) had something to do with this transformation from his firebrand Muslim activist rhetoric as leader of the Muslim student organization ABIM to the mellower tone of today. In a rare moment of straightforwardness, although he hoped he would still be considered a firebrand, Ibrahim attributed his erstwhile militancy to youthful idealism.

For the rest he excelled in evading any direct answers to the questions that were posed to him. Instead he generally sufficed with repeating the mantra that Southeast Asian Islam has historically been characterized by inclusivism in regards to the various strands of thought and practice found among Muslims, and the embrace of pluralism in its attitude towards non-Muslims. In the Datuk's view this was also true of Malaysian Islam and he deplored the recent hardening of positions, such as the controversial claim that the name 'Allah' may only be used by Muslims, not by adherents of the other Abrahamic religions; Judaism and Christianity.*

Although he supported the application of Islamic law in Malaysia for its Muslim citizens, he opined that Shari'a courts had no business in interfering in the affairs of other religious traditions. In response to a question what his position is on apostasy, Anwar Ibrahim suggested that the guidelines should be provided by the Maqasid al-Shari'a or Core Objectives of Islamic Law. Explicitly defined by such scholars as al-Ghazali (d. 1111CE) and al-Shatibi (d. 1388), these principles safeguard freedom of conscience, the sanctity of life and property, the dignity of men and women, and the freedom of expression. Although as a Muslim he would never encourage a fellow Muslim to leave the faith, he agreed with Taha Jabir Alalwani, who in a lecture at the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) had said it was ultimately up to the individual. Adding that forcing someone to lie and hide his or her true conviction would only turn them into hypocrites he also referred to the Quranic injunction that there can be 'no compulsion in religion' (2: 256). However, he avoided making any clear statement on what he expected religious courts in Malaysia to do when cases of apostasy were brought before them.

In evidence of his own disagreement with religion-inspired intolerance he frequently referred to his book The Asian Renaissance, which he insisted was grounded in the Quranic injunction that God had created humankind's ethnic and religious multitudes so 'that ye may know each others' (Sura al-Hujarat 49.13).

For the rest he used every opportunity to criticize the incumbent government of Malaysia and the failure of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to instill democratic governance and values among its member states, in particular Myanmar. Ever the jocular and smooth political operator, he said that, instead of pursuing a 'constructive engagement' with the Burmese junta, most countries in the region seemed more interested in engaging in construction projects. In the same context, however, Indonesia was again presented as a rare positive exception, where general elections had been restored after decades of 'elections of generals'.


Indicative of his ability to circumvent taking any firm positions and keeping all his future options open was also his response to whether he regarded Malaysia as secular or Islamic state. While he said Malaysia was not strictly an Islamic state in the sense as implied by an overall application of Islamic law, it was certainly Islamic in the sense of the Maqasid al-Shari'a. Besides that, both the notions 'Islamic' and 'secular' were open to a wide range of interpretations. As for the concrete implementation of Islamic law, Anwar Ibrahim concluded that Shari'a courts should only have jurisdiction in family law and moral injunctions pertaining to Muslims, and confine themselves only to cases in which all parties were Muslim.

* see the coverage in The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, the Malaysian Newspaper The Star, Indonesia's Jakarta Globe, and on Juan Cole's Informed Comment

Muslims in the Netherlands: What is the effect of the 'Geert Wilders' Factor?

In his programme 'Islam and Life' on PressTV, Tariq Ramadan discusses the present situation of Muslims in The Netherlands in light of the rise of Geert Wilders and his PVV (Party for Freedom) on the country's political scene:

Who is Geert Wilders (Tariq Ramadan & Carool Kersten) from Carool Kersten on Vimeo.

A Brief Note on Critical Muslims in Malaysia

In contrast to neighbouring Indonesia the Islamic intellectual scene in Malaysia seems much more subdued if not barren. That is not to say there are no critical, innovative or controversial thinkers to be found. Aside from intellectuals with outspoken views on political issues such as Chandra Muzaffar and a younger generation of maverick scholars with a high profile internet presence like Farish Noor, a prospective PhD research student drew my attention to the writings of Kassim Ahmad, a literary scholar, erstwhile lecturer in Malay studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, and a former leader of Parti Rakyat Malaysia (1965-1980), who spent five years in jail under Malaysia's very stringent Internal Security Act (ISA).

Born in 1933, in the state of Kedah, Kassim Ahmad first caused controversy in 1950s with his radical re-reading of a Malay literary classic Hikayat Hang Tuah, about the legendary seafarer Hang Tuah, a prominent laksmana or admiral from the Sultanate of Malacca.

His notoriety only increased with the publication of Hadith: A Re-evaluation. First appearing in Malay in 1986, an English translation was released in 1996. In this book he joins the ongoing debate among scholars and intellectuals on the reliability of the existing Hadith collections. As a scriptural source containing the so-called 'Traditions of the Prophet', it is only secondary to the Qur'an, and questioning its authenticity has grave implications for most branches of traditional Islamic learning.

Like so many other Muslim scholars willing to venture into critical engagement with the Islamic heritage it put him at odds with more traditionalist-minded Muslims who were especially suspicious of his socialist past. However, as the subtitle of his autobiography Mencari Jalan Pulang: Daripada Sosialisme kepada Islam (Finding the Way Home: From Socialism to Islam) indicates he has drifted back towards his Muslim roots and was able to rehabilitate himself with the establishment to the extent that former Prime Minister Mahathir penned an introduction to the book.

Exploratory Workshop on The Islamic Caliphate in the Contemporary Muslim World

Three scholars from King's College London have been awarded a grant by the European Science Foundation for an exploratory workshop entitled Demystifying the Islamic Caliphate: Advocates, Opponents and Implications for Europe. This conference will be hosted by the Department of Theology and Religious Studies, bringing together scholars from various European countries to discuss the contemporary relevance of the historical caliphate as well as new interpretations across the Muslim world.

In their proposal, workshop conveners Madawi al-Rasheed, Carool Kersten and Marat Shterin noted that from London to Moscow, Sarajevo to Jakarta, Istanbul, and Baghdad, the concept of the Islamic Caliphate is theorised by religious scholars, invigorated by political activists, and condemned by some Muslim and non-Muslim politicians. While few Muslims insist on its centrality to Islam, many Muslims have not only rejected it but also contributed to its historical downfall. With globalization and the re-imagining of the Muslim umma as a multi-ethnic diverse community, the ‘Caliphate’ is today a contested concept among many actors in the Muslim world, Europe and beyond. As the Muslim world has known the rise and fall of several caliphates until the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the reinvention of the Caliphate in the twenty first century may appear puzzling. However by exploring the idea of the Caliphate, its contemporary genealogy as a ‘modern’ Islamic political-religious concept, the debates between advocates and opponents, the modern contexts in which Muslims imagine it, and the virtual forums in which it is invoked justifies an engagement with the phenomenon that moves beyond historical perspectives.

Muslims, both in the ex-European territories of the Ottoman Empire and in the Muslim world at large, have had to rethink Islamic governance in the contemporary world. The majority sought the model of the nation-state and aspired towards independent and sovereign entities that more or less corresponded to newly drawn territorial boundaries. Some Muslim scholars, for example Egyptian Azharite Ali Abd al-Raziq wrote a religious treatise that de-emphasized the centrality of the Islamic Caliphate and justified the shift towards national states, by definition smaller entities configured on the basis of a homogenous national culture rather than faith. Other Islamic scholars and activists, however, lamented the fall of the Islamic Caliphate and wrote counter treatise calling for its revival. One such obvious advocate was Taqi al-Din al-Nabahani, a Palestinian activist who founded Hizb al-Tahrir. In India, the Khilafat movement developed in the shadow of the British Empire and became active in the 1920s. Similar movements emerged in South East Asia, among Muslims in Indonesia and Malaysia.

Even though none of these movements gathered momentum or achieved their objectives throughout the twentieth century, in the new historical conditions prevaling today calls for the return of the Caliphate are revived among some sections of the Muslim population. It is this revival that constitutes the main focus of this workshop which will try to address issues that can contribute to a clarification and explanation of the contemporary revival of Muslim thought about the Caliphate.

By opting for an interdisciplinary project that brings social scientists and humanities experts together to discuss the revival of the concept of the Caliphate among diverse Muslim groups, the conference organisers anticipate to show the interconnections between text and context among increasingly literate and connected Muslims from Indonesia to London. Special attention will be drawn to how old theorisations of Islamic governance are redefined and reformulated by contemporary Muslims and for what purposes.

Through case studies drawn from different parts of the Muslim world and the European context, this exploratory workshop will first of all highlight the interconnection and continuity of Islamic discourses. At the same time it will take care to situate the object of study in the transnational realm rather than the confined locality of individual countries. Secondly, it will emphasise that increased mobility in the age of globalisation and migration enables Muslims and the ideas they hold to travel beyond traditional boundaries of nation and state. Third, it will underscore the role of highly mobile non-state actors in the Muslim world and the diaspora in defining the public sphere and setting agendas that may or may not correspond to the agenda of all Muslims. A focus on both material and intellectual conditions in diaspora situations and the access to both old and new media that are perhaps still more available to Muslims in Europe and North America than those in the Muslim world will yield a better understanding of the revival of the concept of the Caliphate among young Muslims in the West. It is no longer possible to examine political mobilisation among Muslims without taking into account these important developments that contribute to increased connections, mutations in thought and activism, and the movement of ideas and people.

Scheduled to take place at King's College London in November 2010, the conveners intend to release an edited volume of the various contributions by keynote speakers and panelists.

Dutch-Moroccan (Moroccan-Dutch?) Author wins prestigious literary prize

Moroccan-born Dutch author Abdelkader Benali can add another literary prize to his crown of laurels. Today it was announced that he has been awarded the E. du Perron Prize for his novel De Stem van Mijn Moeder (My Mother's Voice). The E. du Perron Prize was established to recognise individuals who contribute through their cultural expressions to the Netherlands multicultural society. In its motivation for giving the prize to Benali, the jury explained that although starting out as an exponent of 'migrant literature'*, Benali is no longer confined by such boundaries, but has moved on to 'giving voice to an infinite literature'.

34-year old Benali made his debut in 1996 with the novel Bruiloft aan Zee (Wedding by the Sea), which won the Geertjan Lubberhuizen Prize. This was followed by a play and collection of short stories, but the real breakthrough came with his second novel De Langverwachte (The Long-Awaited). This book established Benali as a significant writer of Dutch literature and it received the Libris Prize 2003. Since then he has become a very prolific writer, also adding poetry and non-fiction to his oeuvre. These writings include a reportage of the 2006 war between Israel and Hizbollah in Beirut, published as Berichten uit een Belegerde Stad (Reports from a City under Siege).

Benali is one of several Dutch writers of Moroccan origin, such as Hafid Bouazza (winner of the 1996 E. du Perron Prize), Fouad Laroui (E. du Perron Prize 2002), Mohammed Benzakour (who was nominated alongside Benali for the 2009 E. du Perron Prize), and Naima El Bezaz. They have become so well-established that they are no longer merely regarded as producers of semi-exotic migrant novels, but recognised as an integral part of the Dutch literary landscape.

Some combine their artistic work with academic and/or political engagement. Where Bouazza, although having a fascination with the literary legacy of the Muslim world, profiles himself mainly as a fierce critic of religion (in particular Islam) and the Moroccan community in the Netherlands, Benzakour served as a member of the Zwijndrecht municipal council and briefly joined the civil service after obtaining degrees in government and sociology. Courted by both the Arab-European League (AEL) to become the leader of its Dutch branch, and controversial Dutch politician Rita Verdonk, who wanted him as her adviser during her stint in office as minister of immigration and integration, he rejected both offers. Benzakour has also expressed himself in favour of indicting George W. Bush in an international court of justice and he questioned the way Tariq Ramadan was removed from his positions as consultant to the Rotterdam municipality and professor at the city's Erasmus University (see the post of 18 August 2009).

In my view these writers must be regarded as part of a broader phenomenon of 'diasporic' Moroccan and other North African writers and intellectuals, such as Anouar Majid and Laila Lalami in the United States, or Paris-based Abdelwahab Meddeb. Take for example Fouad Laroui, who trained as an engineer and economist before trying his hand at literature. He is not only recognised as both a literary figure and scholar in the Netherlands, where he holds a chair at the University of Amsterdam, but also in the Francophone and English-speaking world. Aside from contributions to literature and economics, he has also written a book on political Islam under the title De'Islamisme (see also Laila Lalami's blog). In a similar vein, Abdelwahab Meddeb too has not only produced translations of Sufi poetry by Al-Bistami and Ibn Arabi, but written a personal assessment of the situation in the Muslim world, entitled The Malady of Islam, whereas literary scholar Anouar Majid established his name with studies such as Unveiling Traditions: Postcolonial Islam in a Polycentric World. Straddling the worlds of literature and academia, they also show themselves as critical Muslims or exponents of a cosmopolitan reading of Islam.

* see also the article in Migrant Literature on the German website Qantara.