Saturday, 5 September 2009

Geert Wilders, Tariq Ramadan and the future of Islam in Europe

With the recent upheaval around the removal of Tariq Ramadan from his posts as advisor to the Rotterdam Municipality and visiting professor at Erasmus University Rotterdam (see post of 18 August 2009), there has also been renewed attention for the 'phenomenon' Geert Wilders and his PVV (Party for Freedom and Progress).

In an op-ed piece for the leading national daily NRC Handelsblad, Ian Buruma, author of Murder in Amsterdam, a book on the assassination of Theo van Gogh and Occidentalism, a study of Anti-Western rhetoric and discourse, questions whether those sympathetic to Wilders' positions are fully aware of the implications of such implicit support and cautions against possible consequences. Buruma also points to the often ignored fact that Wilders' views on foreigners and immigration are no longer confined to what is conventionally regarded as his support base: the political right:

"The fear of being overwhelmed by foreigners is usually associated with the right. Historically this is true. The so-called saviours of our civilisation - against the Bolsheviks, the Jews or the decadent elites - have usually come from right-wing circles.

The perceived threat of Islam has changed this. They may consider themselves too chic to associate themselves directly with Wilders, but these days it is often people from a left-wing background who rail the most against Islam"

[In this context I should also mention thatNRC Handelsblad has reported a speculative but interesting contribution by anthropologist Lizzy van Leeuwen, arguing that Wilders' political agenda is in part informed by 'unresolved issues' resulting from his own ethnic origins. The full article on Wilder's roots in the former Dutch East Indies can be found in De Groene Amsterdammer.]

Buruma's article contains also a number of welcome caveats, warning against depictions of 'Islam' as a monolithic bloc and an attempt to come to a more balanced assessment of Tariq Ramadan. Here are some excerpts.

"The alarming image of Eurabia, which Wilders and others like him are holding up to their voters, is often based on a categorical confusion. A recent article in an American publication referred to criminal behaviour but young immigrants in Amsterdam as a 'war against the West', as if rioting there was part of a worldwide jihad. Religious orthodoxy, or neo-orthodoxy, is also often equated with ideological extremism, as if there was potential assassin behind every bearded Wahabi, every veiled woman"

"...the strict, purist form of Islam propagated and funded by Saudi Arabia has nothing to do with the traditions of Anatolia or the Rif mountains. This kind of neo-orthodoxy appeals above all to second generation immigrants, those who were born in Europe but don’t quite feel ‘at home’ there yet. Wahabist purism is not an old tradition, let alone Moroccan. It is a relatively modern ‘born again’-type religion that is propagated over the internet, often in English, and appeals to people who don’t feel at home anywhere."

"The political extremism of groups like Al Qaeda isn’t traditional either. Most conservative Muslims disapprove of Osama Bin Laden’s religious pretences. Political Islam has been influenced by many ideas in the past one-hundred years, including Marxism. I’m not saying this to defend political Islam, which is certainly dangerous. But the danger would be even greater if we look at the fight against violent political Islam the way Wilders does: as a clash of civilisations, a Kulturkampf against Islam as a whole."

"Of course the link between Islam and violence is not always imagined. People are being killed in the name of jihad. Some neo-orthodox Muslims are recruited for the Holy War. It is worrisome that some European Muslims, especially the young, sympathise with such holy warriors. And the violent threats against critics of Islam are an essential problem that the government needs to be firm against. Still, it will always be necessary to distinguish between religion and revolution, between orthodoxy and violence. There is no room for this distinction in Wilder's statements."

"You can say a lot of things about Tariq Ramadan, the Islamic philosopher who was just fired as an adviser to the city of Rotterdam: vanity, intellectually wooliness, opportunism. But he has never pleaded for an Islamic state in Europe, let alone a violent revolution. He wants European Muslims to behave as democratic citizens. Certainly, he propagates an orthodox interpretation of Islam, but the tries to combine this with his mainly leftish political ideas. Politics, says Ramadan, should be inspired by the ethical impulse of faith. He may not always be tolerant, but he will always be a democrat.

"And yet Ramadan has now become another hate symbol among people who agree with Wilders. That is hardly surprising. If you start from the premise that Islam is a threat to Western society, and any openness towards Muslims in Europe is a cowardly collaboration with evil, then the kind of rapprochement which Ramadan is talking about becomes impossible."

One of Buruma's most important conclusions is that as a "consequence of the popularity of Wilders’ world image many highly educated immigrants no longer feel welcome in the Netherlands." As this blog consistently seeks to argue the development of alternative Islamic discourses by critical Muslims often takes place in the relative safety of academic and media freedom provided in Europe and North America. The ripple effect of curtailing these opportunities (intentionally or inadvertedly) can thus have dire consequences for any significant change in the political and intellectual climate in the Muslim world.

For the full version of Buruma's article, click here

Thursday, 3 September 2009

Southeast Asia's confident Muslims

In his introductory remarks to the launch of his most recent publication Indonesia Riding: Islam, Democracy and the Rise of Indonesia as a Major Power, author Dr. Nasir Tamara made it a point to note that the appearance of 'Islam' as the first word in the book's subtitle was not a coincidence, but rather meant to underscore the significance of Islam in the recent political history of Indonesia. Tamara, a Sorbonne-educated scholar and leading Indonesian journalist, argues that the religion factor is a key constituent element of what he considers -- in spite of its ups and downs -- the success story of Indonesia's democratization process.


Indonesia Risingis the outcome of a research project entitled Moderate Islam in Indonesia, Indonesian Presidency under Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, which Tamara executed as a visiting fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (INSEAS) in Singapore (Cf. also the commentary in the Financial Times of 9 July published under the same title). After the rocky presidencies of Abdurrahman Wahid (a.k.a. Gus Dur) and Megawati Sukarnoputri, and in spite of the scepticism of many when taking the disrupting activities and violent attacks by Muslim radicals into account, Tamara maintains that the policies of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) are starting to sort tangible effects.

In the opening pages of his book he backs this up by invoking the comment made by US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton during her visit to Indonesia earlier this year that 'if you want to know if Islam, democracy, modernity and women's rights can coexist, go to Indonesia'. Tamara feels further strengthened in his claim of Indonesia's rising stature on the global scene by President Obama's decision to sent Secretary Clinton to Jakarta on her first international assessment mission - not to mention his own personal interest in things Indonesian dating back to the primary school years he spent there.

Although his own study focuses on Indonesia, amplifying its role as an exemplatory Muslim state, Tamara does note that the developments in that country are part of a much broader phenomenon affecting the Muslim world, as his visits to Morocco, Turkey, and -- yes -- Iran had shown him (the same countries I have singled out for another research project on the recent intellectual history of the Muslim world).

I believe Nasir Tamara's assertive position also forms parts of another more regional phenomenon: the growing self-confidence displayed by Southeast Asian Muslims. In a 2002 interview with Newsweek editor Fareed Zakaria, the current Secretary General of ASEAN and former Thai Minister of Foreign Affairs, Surin Pitsuwan (interesting in itself that a Muslim can serve as the chief diplomat of a Buddhist kingdom), stated that: 'For all Islam's history, Southeast Asia was considered a backwater. But the flows of globalization now need to be reversed. Islam must learn not from the Center but rather the periphery'. Two years later, the Malaysian Arts, Culture and Heritage Minister Datu Seri Rais Yatim came out against the 'Arabisation' of Malay culture in an interview in the newspaper The Star, encouraging his countrymen to 'challenge those who condemn deep-rooted practices of the Malay community as UnIslamic'.


As the main protagonist of Tamara's narrative argued himself in a speech delivered at the LSE in March 2009, Indonesia has a bridge function to play, connecting the Muslim world, Asia and the West. Also during SBY's second term in office as president of the largest Muslim nation in the world, the eyes of those interested in alternative Islamic discourses will continue to focus on developments in Indonesia.

Tuesday, 18 August 2009

Tariq Ramadan fired by Rotterdam City Council

The Dutch newspaper NRC Handelsblad reported today that the city of Rotterdam is severing its ties with Tariq Ramadan, who has been working for the city as a consultant on integration for the last two years. Editor Mark Hoogstad writes that Ramadan 'has lost his credibility as integration advisor because of his weekly programme on the Iranian TV station Press TV, which is financed by the controversial regime in Tehran'.

According to sources at Rotterdam City Hall 'because Ramadan himself has now become a subject of discussion, he can no longer lead a dialogue in the city'. The city's 'college' (the executive body of mayor and councilors) would meet this afternoon at 2pm to sign off on his dismissal. Earlier this year, Mayor Ahmed Aboutaleb (see the post of 17 October 2008) had already expressed his dissatisfaction with the existing arrangements around Ramadan's advisory position: 'we can ride it out, but my advice would be: never again'.

Ramadan had been associated with the city of Rotterdam as integration adviser since 2007. His responsibilities consisted of: participation in thirteen dialogues on citizenship in the city and providing a 'substantial contribution' to themes such as religious identity and free choice in marriage. In addition he would convene four master classes on citizen participation and supply the city council with further advice on the implementation of its integration policies. The city also pays for his Chair at Erasmus University, where he has been working as Visiting Professor Identity and Citizenship since January 2007.

Last week, three opposition parties in the Rotterdam legislative body (Leefbaar, VVD en SP) called for his dismissal, while City Council coalition party PvdA (Labour Party) stated that Ramadan's credibility had been compromised because of his involvement with Press TV.

The city council had been taken by surprise by Ramadan's participation in a programme of the Iranian TV station. In the national parliament, CDA (Christian Democrat Party) insisted Ramadan should leave, while in Rotterdam (where the party was still supporting him in Spring), CDA representatives kept silent.

The issue of Ramadan's involvement with Press TV blew up on 15 August, after the Iranian-born legal scholar and Professor of Law at Leiden University, Afshin Ellian ( see also this blog) had called in his column in NRC Handelsblad on Rotterdam 'to get rid of this Islamist'. Ellian had already challenged Ramadan in an earlier article published on 11 April 2009.

Tariq Ramadan defended himself against Ellian's latest allegations in an op-ed piece, published in the 18 August issue of NRC Handelsblad and in an open letter to the newspaper of the same date. The text of that letter is taken from NRC Handelsblad website:

"I have been hosting a show at Press TV since April 2008. I accepted the job after having asked and checked about the channel and the work's conditions. My own conditions (those I put) were to be free to tackle the topics I wanted and not to be pressured on any way. Since the very beginning, no one imposed on to me to tackle one specific issue or to avoid one other issue. I have been free. My programme is called "Islam and Life" and it has been a open window for me to address all sorts of issues (Islamic issues, interpretations, pluralism, violence, radicalisation, arts, etc.). Numerous viewers expressed their continuous content as to the substance of this show. I have invited rabbis, priests, atheists, agnostics, practicing and non practicing Muslims with neither limits nor censorship. This is were I stand as to my involvement and continuous commitment on freedom of expression.

My contract, from the very beginning, is with Press TV limited and the conditions of my involvement were and remain clear : I never spoke or dealt with anyone from the government While the controversy started in the UK, no one attacked me for my political position is clear and the substance of my programmes are representative of my open way to deal with dialogue. No violence no censorship in my work and many mainstream UK journalists are working at Press TV (such as Andrew Gillighan, awarded "best UK journalist in 2008") without facing such attacks.

As to my personal position towards Iran, the Iranian regime and what has happened during the last three months: I wrote and responded many times and clearly to interviews. My position is clear. I said, and I repeat here, that repression against and killing of civilian people cannot be accepted and must be condemned. I support transparent democratic process and I expect from the Iran regime to respect this principle.

I want to be judged on these very facts and not on anything else. I am travelling now (in Mauritius) and shall be back in Europe in three weeks. I will check the facts, make my mind and take a decision when back in Europe : I shall do so as free mind, under no pressure and in a consistent way with my aforementioned principles."

In April 2009, Ramadan had come under fire over his views on homosexuality, leading to a very critical piece by Gay Krant editor Henk Krol in which he called on the 'real Ramadan to finally come out of the closet' and another critical article published a few weeks later. At the time the VVD (Conservative Liberals) left the Rotterdam City Council coalition and joined the opposition in protest of the city's decision to retain Ramadan.

For a further unfolding of events cf. the Tariq Ramadan dossier in NRC Handelsblad.

Saturday, 25 July 2009

China's Great Game: Showdown in Xinjiang draws comments from across the Muslim world

Although usually the USA is bearing the brunt of present-day anti-imperialist rhetoric, it is actually China which has the dubious honour of resembling the classical empires in world history even more closely than America's noisy interventions in world affairs.

This time it is not in Buddhist Tibet, but in its more northern Central Asian possession of Xinjiang that the last remaining empire is putting its foot down. Predominantly inhabited by Turkic-speaking Muslims, most of them Uighurs, the region used to be called 'Chinese' or 'East Turkestan'. Consequently this latest chapter in China's 'Great Game', has drawn attention throughout the Muslim world.

On the Malaysian opposition website Malaysiakini, one of its columnists dedicated an op-ed piece to the recent turbulence. Egyptian-born but US-based writer Mona Eltahawy plugged the issue on her blog.

Not surprising, the issue is of particular interests to other Turkic nations. Whereas the Central Asian 'stans' have remained conspiciously silent (for which some have already been handsomely rewarded by Beijing in financial terms), the AK-led government of Turkey and its associated media have taken a much more defiant and critical stance -- notwithstanding recent efforts to establish more cordial ties with China. A good barometer for Turkish sentiments on international affairs is Zaman newspaper. Its recent issues contained coverage of China's angry response to Prime Minister Erdogan's comments on the recent fatalities and an essay by Konstanty Gebert.

For an analysis of the varied reactions across the Turkic-speaking world, see the 16 July. entry in The Economist.

Saturday, 4 July 2009

The Iranians: A People Interrupted Once Again

I have already expressed my appreciation for the view points of the US-based Iranian scholar and intellectual Hamid Dabashi (see the earlier post of 8 November 2008). So it is perhaps not surprising that I also value his recent contributions to the news media and current affairs periodicals, in which he comments on the events as they are presently unfolding in Iran. These developments only underscore -- unfortunately I would say -- how apt the title of his book on Iran's political-cultural history, Iran: A People Interrupted actually is....



This week an Iranian friend drew my attention to one of Hamid Dabashi's op-ed pieces in the weekly English-language edition of the Egyptian newspaper Al-Ahram. In this article 'People Power', Dabashi takes stock of the political fall-out in the aftermath of Iran's controversial June 2009 presidential elections.



In fact, the current turbulence has thrown Dabashi into the limelight of a media frenzy and he has become a familiar face on the mainstream networks. It appears that this demand for his views has interrupted the posting of his running thoughts on developments in Iran on his own website. Hopefully, the insightful analyses which characterize both his academic and more engaged writings (even though I am not always charmed by their tone), will leave an impact on public opinion around the world. As an example consider this commentary on the CNN website.



An interesting aside in the constellation of these events is that Dabashi is also an authority on Iranian cinema and in particular the film-maker Mohsen Makhmalbaf, who is now acting as the international spokesman for Mir Hossein Mousavi, the opposition candidate who is challenging the election results and has even taken his campaign to facebook.




Get Dabashi's Makhmalbaf at Large: The Making of a Rebel Filmmaker from amazon.